Different theories of ageing

Different theories of maturementOne of the well-nigh signifi masst achievements of ultra innovational beau monde is the rise in human longevity. Since 1800, read it offliness expectancy at birth has gradu all in ally increased over the ulterior cardinal centuries, from forty years to nearly eighty years (Bongaarts 2006). These rummy changes in human biology have produced challenges for scientists, doctors, sociologists and indemnity-makers. Over the last century, the maturement realization of the changing demography of maturation has provoked sociological and biological investigate to explain the effects of these changes on familiarity. The aim of this essay is to dispute how different theories of boarding have tried to commence senescenter tribe and their circumstances.The study of senescent as societal gerontology took root in the late 1940s, at a time of great accessible and demographic change. After World War 2, orderliness in Europe and the join States o f America (USA) had palpably changed, prompting sociological look into changes in senescence amongst other sociological phenomena (Vincent 1996). The modern policy-making and frugal environment emplacemented develop, for the low gear time, as a problem for hunting lodge (Jones, 1993).This visualise of ageing was at odds with the prevailing functionalist sociological theories of the time. Talcott Parsons was a constitute proponent of commonplace functionalism, and viewed association from the macro perspective of needing functioning parts in redact to maintain its well-being. The analogy was with the form of an organism just as the body has m some(prenominal) specialized organs which atomic number 18 required for the body to function, society is to a fault the sum of its parts y forbiddenh, family, education, labour force, professionals, religion, government etc. gild required these parts to be performanceing together in recite for society to function with equilibri um (Giddens 1993).The biology of ageing had been actively researched since the nonagenarian age of Darwin and Mendel, yet the interaction between ageing and society remained unexplored. Indeed, the Social skill Research Council in the USA concluded in 1948 that the scientific community of interests had paid little attention to the interaction between biology and society (Achenbaum and Bengston). The first psycho companionable theories on ageing and society took shape, and were published a hug drug later.Social scientists Elaine Cummins and William Henry published the first important study of ageing in 1961. They advanced what they called the insularity conjecture of aging. This theory was based on data from the Kansas City story of Adult Life, in which researchers from the University of Chicago followed several(prenominal) hundred adults from middle to darkened age. The authors concluded from this study that growing venerable was a transit of separation, whereby the tende ncy of ageing adults was to withdraw from society and live out their declining years with as little interference with others as was possible. Whilst these findings reflected the hearty practice of the day much(prenominal) as the granny flat or seclusion home environment, the authors also paint a pictured that this theory had advantages for the individual and society.According to Cumming and Henrys model, the major(ip) shift in interaction between the aged and the rest of society occurs when honest-to-god pack begin to realize their declining physical and cognitive functions and their mortality. They propose that this leads to removal, two consciously and subconsciously, from social networks. Simultaneously, society distances itself from the senior, and the roles and responsibilities of these aged members of society argon passed along to the younger ones.From a sociological perspective, it has been suggested that disengagement has theoretical benefits (reference?). For the elderly, disengagement facilitates gradual withdrawal from society, whilst preserving social equilibrium. Ageing removes the capacity for venerableer pot to function as parents, professionals or working members of society, and in that locationfore it promotes self-reflection for the elderly who are freed from roles of responsibility within society (ref?). Ultimately, it prepares the elderly for a refuse in health and death.From the perspective of society, disengagement allows knowledge, responsibility, wealth and power to be transferred from the sometime(a) generation to the young. The roles of the old and the young in society evolve, such that disengagement from roles of responsibility ensures that the younger population have jobs and roles into which to develop. It makes it possible for society to advance functioning after valuable older members die.Clearly, disengagement theory mustiness be viewed in the context of use of the era in which it was developed. Largely, the th eory of e. e. cummings and Henry reflected the practice of the day. Elderly mountain in industrialized nations in the 1960s were encouraged to live out their declining years without interfering with occur and development. In rural settings, elderly people whitethorn still have contributed through the use of learned practical skills, although during a time of speedy expert advancement these skills were less valued than by earlier generations. This is a form of role dispersistence, whereby what is learned at one age whitethorn be useless or conflict with a subsequent check on ones life.This contrasts with contemporary views of ageing, whereby aged populations are more familiar with the technological advances of the second half of the last century. Retirement and disengagement in this context may non be to the benefit of society or the individual. Moreover, until of late fewer positive role models for elderly individuals existed. Those in the commonplace centre and the medi a have tended to be youthful in appearance, hindering the socialization to old age. However, with the demographic growth and visibility of the elderly population has come more role models of active and healthy ageing.In this setting, disengagement of individuals before they reached the coif of imminent mortality, whilst they are still able contribute to roles in society, may cause both social and financial isolation and lack of self-worth. redness of role through loss of first mate, divorce or retirement can lead to an erosion of identity and self-esteem (Rosow 1985). This, coupled with the relentless proceeds in healthcare for the elderly, suggests that disengagement theory may be a product of the post-World War 2 era rather than ecumenically applicable.These problems with the universal validity of disengagement theory were recognised within a few years. Activity theory can be viewed as a counterpoint to disengagement theory. Activity theory views old age as an generation of middle age, rather than a separate psychological and biological exemplify of life as proposed by disengagement theory. Activity theory rattling pre-dates disengagement theory. In the 1950s Havighurst and Albrecht (1953 cited in Katz 1996) insisted ageing can be lively and creative experience. Any loss of roles, activities or relationships within old age, should be replaced by new roles or activities to ensure happiness, value consensus and well-being, and that this approach has benefits for the individual and society. The theory builds on the principle that the biological process of ageing can be modified by modern healthcare, and consequently the only(prenominal) differences between and old age and middle age are these modifiable biological processes, non societal wants and needs (schulz and rockwood).The basis of the theory is that there is a positive relationship between activity and life satisfaction, and the greater the role loss the lower the sense of self-worth or sati sfaction (Lemon 1972). Therefore, a persons sense of self-worth is related to the roles held by that person i.e. retiring may not be so harmful if the person actively maintains other roles, such as familial roles, recreational roles, volunteer and community work. However, early research failed to substantiate a psychological benefit of continued engagement and activity. Lemon, Bengston and Peterson examined key elements of activity theory in a cross-sectional sample of prospective residents of a retirement community. In this study little connection was piece between activity and satisfaction. However, this study suffers from similar criticisms as the Kansas City Study of Adult Life. The study group consisted of Caucasian, middle-class, married individuals interested in engage an active retirement. These issues reflect a common problem with sociological research into the theories of ageing hold diversity of populations and the presence of confounding factors such as attitudes t owards activity and engagement, limit the universal applicability of findings and determination of causality.A shape up problem with both these theories is their macro approach to the sociological phenomenon of ageing. Activity theory neglects the individual issues of inequality and heterogeneity between age groups. It is clear both activity theory and disengagement theory may be suited to certain individuals or groups on society, and may not be universally applicable. Whilst Phillipson (1998) sees these functionalist schools as important in shaping social theory, such functionalist theories may impose a sense of causality on aging by implying that an aged person get out either disengage or will be active. Thus, it can be argued that these arbitrary social theories are a form of academic imperialism, whereby the activities of individual elderly people are located by macro-orientated theories rather than taking floor of individual experiences or employ inductive reasoning.Conti nuity theory incorporates aspects of activity theory and disengagement theory within the functionalist modelling. Continuity theory maintains the social-psychological that were developed from the Kansas City Studies. The basis of continuity theory is that individuals maintain a consistent pattern of behaviour as they age, by replacing lost roles of adulthood with similar ones, and by maintaining a constant attitude of adaptation towards the social environment. Life satisfaction is unconquerable by the dead body between current activities or lifestyles with ones lifetime experiences (Neugarten, Havinghurst, Tobin 1968). This consistency in behaviour implies that central personality characteristics and core values bring to pass more pronounced with age. That is, that people who have always been passive and withdrawn are unlikely to become active upon retirement, and vice versa.Therefore, this theory does not advocate significant psychological change with age, unlike the other two m acro theories. It is a micro-level theory, encompassing individual experiences and adaptations. However, micro theories suffer from the terminus ad quem if not being generalisable, and therefore not being able to be empirically tested on a broader scale. Moreover, by focusing on the individual, micro-theories may overlook the role of social factors in modifying the ageing process (you need references for these points).By contrast, the theory of political delivery of old age is a macro-level theory that emerged as a reaction to functionalism, and focuses on social factors modifying ageing. The theory draws upon Marxist views of the capitalist nature of modern society and how old age was socially constructed to meet the needs of the modern economy (Estes 1979). This grew out of a wider move towards modernization in sociology, attempting to explain the changes in society as consequences of population ageing, industrialization and fertility decline. Therefore, socioeconomic and politi cal factors, not individual factors, are the primary determinants of the experience of ageing. These include age and class, as well as gender, sexual orientation and race.As Phillipson (1998) points out, in the UK Brobdingnagian forms of social expenditure were allocated to older people. Consequently, not only were older people viewed in medical wrong but in resource terms by governments. This built upon the topic of ageing as a core to modern society, as Phillipson (1998 17) statesOlder people came to be viewed as a burden on western economies, with demographic change seen as creating unendurable pressures on public expenditure.The major focus of the political economy of ageing was an interpretation of the relationship between aging and the economic structure. In the USA, political economy theory was brought to prominence by the work of Estes (1979), and Estes, Swan and Gerard (1982). Similarly, in the UK, the work of Walker (1981), Townsend (1981) and Phillipson (1982) contrib uted to understanding age and ageing in modern British society. In the USA, Estes, Swan and Gerard (1982) state that the class structure is the major determinant of the socio-economic position of older people in society. Estes justifies this position by using a Marxist view of society to explain how a individuals social worth is dependent on their productivity. All subsequent policy towards age and ageing can be explained from this premise. Negative attitudes towards older people, and their wiped out(p) position, can be explained by their loss of social worth brought around by their loss of a productive role in modern society. Estes (1979) also claims that political economy theory highlights the role of the state in contemporary society. Since the state dictates the allocation of resources, this determines the allocation of retirement and pension schemes, and is therefore a kick upstairs key determinant of social worth of elderly people.Phillipson (1982) builds on this point of view, ad goes on to state that retirement is linked to the timing of economic reduction of wages and enforced withdrawal from work, and then many older people in the UK in a financially insecure position. Therefore, the state can determine the social position and coming(prenominal) of its elderly citizens, and indirectly shape prevailing social and cultural attitudes to the elderly. Indeed, any discussion about change in the welfare state leads to further legitimisation of the burden stereotype of the elderly in society.Echoing this point of view, Townsend (1981) states that society creates the social problems of old age through structured dependance implant in institutional ageism, through lack of material resources due to poverty, retirement policy, the negative consequences of residential care, and poor structure of community care. Townsend puts forward the idea that there is a structural perspective of rules and resources governing older people in modern society. Townsend cla ims that the approach is one whereby society is held to create the material of institutions and rules within which the general problem of the elderly emerge or, indeed, manufactured. In the day-by-day management of the economy and the administration and development of social institutions the position of the elderly subtly changed and shaped. (Townsend 1981 9)Similarly, Walker (1981) argues for a theory of political economy of old age in order to understand the position of older people. In particular, Walker (1981 77) builds on the idea that the structure of modern society propagates dependency among groups such as the elderly a social creation of dependency. Phillipson (1982, 1986) writes in a similar vein, and considers how capitalism helps socially construct the social marginality of older people in key areas such as welfare. The key list of these writers within the Marxist school of thought is inequalities in the distribution of resources should be understood in terms of the distribution of power within society, rather than in terms of variation between individuals.In addition to the purpose that social and governmental policy contributes to the socializing and marginalizing of old age, political economy theory criticizes the emphasis on community engagement and the consequent social devaluing of elderly people who cannot or choose not to engage in these activities. Activities such as participation in volunteer programmes and social work may be viewed as a way to meet public service gaps created by reduced public funding. Although the benefits of volunteering have been proposed by activity theory, from the point of view of political economy it is social and structural factors that baffle the individuals decision to volunteer or participate. For example, elderly individuals who are also carers for their spouse or their grandchildren may not be able to take on additional social roles, and may leave the individual vulnerable to social criticism. Indeed, it has been noted that a paradigm of ageing that only values productivity and civic-engagement can stigmatise and disempower elders who cannot contribute to society because of illness, disability or limited time and resources (reference?).The life-course perspective is not necessarily a theory, but a framework of ageing as a lifelong process. It attempts to explain how ageing is shaped by earlier events, including social structure and history along with interactions with family and culture. Individual development of personality and cognition interact with these other factors touch on life-course. Time is the key variable, since it make up ones minds relationships in three ways life experiences influence relationships, family events and family transitions influence individuals and interactions, and events in a broader social historical context also influence social role and values. Social context interacts with individuals and influences them and their relationships.This framework takes account of the diversity of roles and role changes across lifespan, since it views development as occurring at all stages and not just any one stage of life. It takes into account the gains and losings that occur through life-course, rather than viewing development as a linear process. Therefore, development is considered multidirectional, with stability or development in areas, and decline in others. For example, ageing may lead to impairment in short memory but not in creativity or social function. Therefore, this approach takes account of micro and macro levels of development and provides a framework to shape further sociological research into ageing.In conclusion, sociological theories of ageing have evolved alongside changes in demography and economics since the early twentieth century. The functionalist theories of activity and disengagement approached ageing in the context of the prevailing view of the time. Although based on empirical evidence the observational studi es from Kansas city these studies were limited to middle-class Caucasion populations and yet were extrapolated to macro-level theories. As such, both these theories suffered criticisms for their lack of generalisability, and newer theories were developed as an immediate reaction.In the context of economic troubles during the 1970s, the sociology of ageing began to be viewed in an economic perspective. The view of structural aspects of society interacting with healthy or pro-inflammatory ageing has advanced sociological thought in this area, and laid the mental hospital for contemporary views of ageing. Current demographic issues such as the prevailing economic climate, declining fertility and improvements in healthcare have changed the sociological view of ageing. As such, these issues must be addressed as further research attempts to view life-course influences on ageing at both a macro- and micro-theoretical level.